Ayesha Wazir | Published August 14, 2024
The author is presently enrolled in an MPhil program at Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad. "Opinions expressed are solely author's own and do not express the views or opinions of author's employer and the views or opinions of pakistanchronicles.online." The author can be reached at Ayeshawazir@nips.qau.edu.pk.
A Critical Perspective on The Evolution of Pashtunwali as Social Code and Its Implications for Women. A Case Study of South Waziristan. Part III
After having gone through volumes of literature on Pashtunwali and having been in interaction with different people as interviewer, the researcher has come to the honest conclusion that the so-called Pashtunwali is erroneously viewed as a code of life, which is in fact not as such. The fact of the matter is that a code of conduct or a way of life is
followed with a sense of willingness and pleasure by the people without any compulsion, fear and resort to the use of force.
I, however, view Pashtunwali to be a well-organized order of a social injustice, discrimination, exploitation and victimization of those, who are either poor, helpless, orphan, or women and are exploited due to the class inequality or gender in-adequacies and vulnerabilities through every type of injustice. One genuinely feels astonished to observe, that such social order is not only proudly appreciated, but is also strongly promoted by those who have close watch on the affairs of Pashtun society.
In the subsequent paras an attempt has been made to take a critical gendered appraisal of the selected constituent parts of Pashtunwali. It is evident that there are numerous constituent parts of Pashtunwali as way of life, but in our discussion and analysis focus must be made to highlight those components which have direct and indirect relevance to the life of women as victims in different situations of life. As a whole Pashtunwali appears to have been designed as an instrument of social containment, co-lateralization, and punishment, which directly attacks women as victim of social injustice and economic deprivation.
The following constituent parts of Pashtunwali will be critically discussed to deconstruct the elements of its social chemistry with the magnitude of its inherent gendered bias.
Nikath and Shamilaat
Malmastia
Ghairat
Swara
Nikath and Shamilaat
Marx has correctly pointed out that economic values determine all the values. Keeping the significance of the economic system of the society in view, it is pertinent to look into the dynamics of social economy of Pashtoon tribal society in South Waziristan. The economic system of the Tribal Society in south Waziristan is revolving around two major economic usages as practice i.e. Nikath and Shamilaat.
Nikath provides a traditional framework for the distribution of inheritance bequeathed from the head of patriarchal family. It's a system of distribution of resources at every level of society. On the other hand, Shamilaat is the system of collective land ownership, and this
is used as a tradition for the distribution of landed property, forest, pastoral resources and irrigation water etc.
It's unfortunate that both usages and traditions have gender bias which are based on injustice and discrimination against women. Women are neither allowed to have share in Nikath nor allowed to have their share in the Shamilaat.
In such an economic system woman has been expected only to live as destitute, since she suffers expropriation from every type of property. She neither inherits property nor have share in the Shamilaat and has no source of income, which could give her sustenance, economic support, self-reliance and independence. She is rather treated as a moveable property of joint family or treated as a commodity, which could be sold out and purchased anyway. This situation reduces her existence to the level of servitude. Strangely enough, on the other hand Islam gives special share to every woman in the inheritance and landed property in defined proportion. Islam also gives some more economic benefits and concessions to women in term of Jahez(dowry) and Mehar(dower).
Islam also allows women to carry out business or trade and seek respectable employment. She can also make property and earn money. But unfortunately, the Pashtun tribal code as practiced in South Waziristan is in total contradiction to and denial of what Islam has bestowed upon the women.
Here Pashtunwali prevails and the edict of Islam are ignored with impunity. Interestingly, the Mullahs sitting on the platform of jirga had never raised any question on the violation of these aspects of Sharia.
It is also pertinent to indicate, that British Empire had used the system of the Nikat and Shamilaat for the perpetuation of their policy of divide and rule. Since these usages are dispute oriented therefore, through disputes arising on the questions of Nikath and Shamilaat, the society has always used to suffer division on account of disputes in line with competition as Terburwali, in shape of family feuds, inter-clan, skirmishes and inter-tribal warfare, the ultimate result of which has always been social strife.
Malmastia (Hospitality)
Pashtun are known for their legendary hospitality, which is called Malmastia. It's viewed as a normative standard to become a genuine Pashtun enjoying the status of honour, power and prestige. Most of the male elders and figures of significance in the patriarchal families derive pride in the services, which they render to feed, protect and provide shelter to guests. But the tradition of Malmastia is maintained at the cost of sufferings of women. It brings about unnecessary burdens and overwork on family livelihood and puts womenfolk in
extreme situations of distress and discomfort. They suffer the real hardships and difficulties, which are involved in the provision of services of hospitality to guests. Males do invite guests with sense of pride, but females always despise guests with sense of disdain.
The norms of hospitality are maintained at the cost of women’s hardships and discomforts. It is evident that Islam does encourage and promote the tradition of hospitality, but it's also the matter of fact that, Pashtun hospitality has nothing to do with Islam. Their tradition of hospitality seems to have been imposed upon them by the compulsion of their hard and inhospitable geography.
The tradition also seems to have been encouraged by the agents of Mughal and British imperialism to facilitate the periodic visitations of their local officials into these hard and tough areas. That’s why Pashtun hospitality has been officially acknowledged and is available only for those who enjoy the position of power and prestige, particularly the government functionaries. Common guests or ordinary people never have the opportunity to enjoy that standard of hospitality or protection. Pashtuns offer their hospitality to those who possess power, prestige or purse, otherwise, their land is very hard, tough and inhospitable for outsiders.
Ghairat (Honour)
Pashtun society at its nomadic phase of evolution was egalitarian with genuine relationship of self-respect ie. 'Pat' and 'Izat'. In the small nomadic groups of families or clans every individual used to enjoy a position of self-respect in terms of Izat and Pat on the bases of equality.
There was internal cohesion within the nomadic clans with an arrangement to allow every individual to have due status and role according to his or her capacity. There was a sense of unity within the group, which used to strengthen their internal cohesion or Asabiyya (عصبیہ ) within the group. The notion of Pat and Izat used to determine the mutual relationship of respect amongst the members of the family, the clan or the larger group and that was a healthy and positive order within the group.
Unfortunately, with the transformation of society from nomadism to tribalism, the values and traditions also experienced imperceptible changes. These changes were hastened by the imperatives of the reorganization of the nomadic clans into larger tribal regimentations by British colonialism as artificial social construct. During the process of these changes, the sense of Pat and Izat also experienced transformation into the notion of Ghairat (honour). Interestingly, the notion of Ghairat is of course, a sense of respect, but its context and connotation are different. Pat is secured by command, but Ghairat is secured by demand. It's always expected by individuals from others for which they sometime resort to the use of force. The fact of the matter is that respect is always commanded, it can’t be
demanded. The respect secured through command was a positive trait of nomadic society, but the respect secured on demand in tribal society is a negative trait. The one represents a sense of respect on command which is called Pat or Izat, the other represents the sense of respect, expected from others through demand.
Here, in our discussion the Ghairat sense of honor in tribal society is a point of analysis. Ghairat is the outward extension of individual sense of respect which is expected from others and secured through the use of force, compulsion, power and influence. The quest to maximize the acquisition of respect from others by other means leading to unhealthy competition in the tribal society which is contested by hook or by crook. This situation further leads to arrogate other traits like bravery, fighting enemies, taking revenge, and keeping weapons. All these traits in fact represent one's internal fear, in-security, and psychological demoralization. It also represents one's frustration and disappointment at the impending fear of losing respect and Izat. This psychological situation makes some Pashtuns as Ghairatmand. Unfortunately, the observation shows that the hands of every Ghairatmand are raised against the poor, the destitute, the orphans, the weaker and the helpless segments of the society including the women.
It is also observed that women are the typical examples of the victims of Ghairat, that’s why the incidents of honor killing are rampant in the Pashtun society in general and the South Waziristan in particular. Ghairat is a negative trait as a sense of respect which leads to oppression, repression and suppression of others in society.
Like every vulnerable segment of society, womenfolk are the first and the foremost victims of Ghairat.
Swara
Swara (سوارہ ), is a custom where girls, often minors, are given in marriage or servitude to an aggrieved family as compensation to end disputes, often those of murder. It is the most disdainful usage prevalent in Pashtun society. It is not only the real test of the so-called Pashtun trait of Ghairat or bravery but is also indicative of the dangerous and vulnerable position of women in Pashtun society.
The usage of Swara is invoked in extreme situations of threat to life, fear of death and the impending possibilities of revenge from enemy. Failing to face the enemy with courage and putting his own life in danger as brave and bold man of Ghairat, the chivalrous Pashtuns, equipped and running with sophisticated weapons and intoxicated with high pitch of testosterone driven masculinity, often lose courage and surrender to seek to negotiate peace and protection by sacrificing the life of their women as Swara, in compensation to their wrongs. They not only compromise the dignity of women, but also put the symbol of their honor at the altar of their Ghairat. They send their women to the
most dangerous, adverse, and inimical situations of enemy household, attended with the risk to their lives and filled with the poisons of revenge, hatred, and contempt.
In fact, brave are the Pashtun women, who not only face the risk to their life in quest for peace as Swara with courage, but also venture to initiate a new process of building of Peace in her own way. In short Pashtun men perpetrate violence and Pashtun women cultivate peace.
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